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Strengthing the institutions of governance to avoid misgovernance

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Recently, the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development came out to debunk reports circulating in sections of the media and on social media that alleged that the ministry budgeted funds for the rehabilitation of Emir Palaces and Mosques in the 2026 budget.

In a press statement issued by the Head of Information and Public Relations, Henrietta Okokon, the ministry described the reports as “false and misleading.”

The statement stated categorically that the budgetary provisions being referenced are not contained in the headquarters’ budget of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development.

It explained that the items were wrongly attributed to the ministry, but are actually contained in the budget of the Federal College of Veterinary and Medical Laboratory Technology, Vom, Plateau State.

“Rather, they are contained in the budget of the Federal College of Veterinary and Medical Laboratory Technology, Vom, Plateau State, a self-accounting institution with its own distinct budgetary allocations,” the statement read.

The ministry noted that the sum of N140 million allegedly budgeted for the rehabilitation of Emir Palaces and Mosques in Kaduna State, among other unrelated projects, does not form part of its programmes and priorities.

While we are still distilling the impunity that occured at the Livestock Development Ministry, another news bomb came out within the week, alleging that the federal government allocated over N22.15bn to renovate traditional rulers’ palaces, build and renovate mosques and churches. To many Nigerians, this is a joke taken too far.

While the country and her citizens are struggling to navigate the harsh economic policies introduced by the President Tinubu-led government, the National Assembly in corraboration with the Executive arm, are busy using our budget systems to syphon or enrich their selves by way of insertion of phantom projects into our budget circles. This has been their acceptable norm, not only now but from the past eight years.

We are of the opinion that all these shenanigans thrive on basic fact that the country lacks strong institutions that will constantly checkmate our public officials including our political class.

It is a saddening reality therefore that that Nigeria’s public instructions’ framework tilts towards entrenchment of corruption and self-enrichment practices because of the loopholes they enact to perpetrate all sorts of underminings on our collective values and progress.

To consolidate a solid institutional structure in Nigeria, that will be above constant interference and manipulation, as government is only as good as the institutions that run it, all organs of the government both in the states and federal levels must seem to be citizens-prone rather than personality focused, because personality comes and goes, manifestos are made and broken, but institutions like the legislature, the judiciary, the civil service, the electoral body, the police, and the anti-corruption agencies — are the permanent machinery of the state. When they are strong, democracy works. When they are weak, misgovernance thrives.

Nigeria’s recurring crisis is not a lack of good policies. It is the collapse of the institutions meant to design, implement, and check those policies. We hold elections whose results are distrusted. We fight corruption with agencies that are themselves compromised.

That decay are aptly demonstrated by the numerous stories of budget-padding, budget-inserting and other incurrent economic ping-pongs as examplifed by this government’s lukewarm approach to anything but fighting inordinate ways of doing government businesses.

Therefore, It is obvious that current weak institutions we have in Nigeria will continue to breed misgovernance and looks more gloomy to improve in years ahead.

When the the country’s judiciary is slow and underfunded as noticed in most courts, justice is delayed and denied. Justices and magistrates are also prone to be compromised. When anti-graft agencies like EFCC, ICPC and others are politicised, and use as instruments of intimidation, coarsion, the powerful walk free while the poor are punished. Without consequences, public office becomes a license to loot.

If we have a strong civil service with an enabling well motivated workers, it ensures continuity. But a weak civil service means every new administration abandons projects and starts afresh. Roads are abandoned mid-way. Policies are reversed with every change of government. The result is wasted billions of naira and zero development.

On our electoral process and the overseeing agency INEC. When an electoral empire lacks independence and technology that propels transparent results, then there will be deficit of trust from the citizenry and political players. When citizens believe their votes do not count, they withdraw from civic duty. That vacuum is filled by godfathers, agberos, money politics, and rigging, who will eventually hijack the process and thereby breed incompetent leadership in the country.

When a police force that is poorly trained, poorly paid, and poorly equipped, it cannot protect citizens. This will resort to extortion, accidental killings. This can result in the state losing its monopoly on force, and enabling non-state actors to fill the gap, as we presently witness in terrorist attacks in all parts of the country.

Therefore, strengthening institutions is not glamorous. It does not make headlines. But it is the only sustainable cure for misgovernance.

Institutions must be free from executive interference. The appointment of INEC chairmen, judges, and heads of anti-graft agencies should go through a transparent, bipartisan process in the National Assembly. But independence must come with accountability: fixed tenures, public asset declarations, and strict audit requirements.

But institutions cannot be asked to deliver 21st-century results with 20th-century budgets. Courts need digital case management. The police need better pay and equipment. The civil service needs to recruit based on competence, not “federal character” alone. Let the best run the system.

Institutional strength today is digital strength. BVAS for elections. Treasury Single Account for public funds. Open contracting portals for government projects. Live streaming of legislative proceedings. When citizens can see what government is doing, corruption becomes harder.

No individual, no matter how highly placed, should be above the law. Court orders must be obeyed. Legislative oversight must be real, not theatrical. This is how you build public trust.

Institutions are not buildings. They are people. We need a civil service trained in ethics. We need journalists, CSOs, and ordinary citizens who understand their role in demanding accountability. A democracy cannot survive on apathy.

Misgovernance is expensive. It is the hospital without drugs. The university on strike. The road that claims lives. The youth who leave the country because they see no future.

Strong institutions do the opposite. They ensure that power is checked, that public money is spent properly, and that citizens get services regardless of who is president or governor.

Nigeria does not need another “strong man.” It needs strong systems.

We must move from governance by personality to governance by institutions. That means funding them, protecting them from political capture, and demanding performance from them.

The task ahead is deliberate and difficult. It requires constitutional amendments, political will, and patience. But the alternative — another cycle of weak institutions and misgovernance — is one we can no longer afford.

A nation is built not on the charisma of its leaders, but on the strength of its institutions.

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Editorial

Nigeria at 66: The Independence we must still build

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As Nigeria marks 66 years of independence, the anniversary provides more than an opportunity for celebration. It is a moment for sober reflection on where the nation has come from, where it stands today, and what kind of country Nigerians want to leave for future generations.

On October 1, 1960, Nigeria emerged from British colonial rule as an independent nation. The expectations were enormous. With its vast human and natural resources, cultural diversity and youthful population, Nigeria was widely regarded as a country with tremendous potential. Sixty-six years later, that potential remains evident, but so too are the challenges that have prevented the nation from fully realising it.

Independence was not simply the transfer of political authority from one government to another. It was supposed to provide Nigerians with the opportunity to determine their own destiny, build strong institutions, promote economic prosperity and create a society in which justice and equal opportunity would be available to all.

Yet, the journey has been complicated.
Nigeria has experienced military coups, civil war, political instability, economic crises, corruption, insecurity and periods of democratic uncertainty. At the same time, the country has demonstrated remarkable resilience. Nigerians have continued to build businesses, pursue education, create innovations, contribute to the arts and sciences, and make their mark around the world.

The story of Nigeria at 66 is therefore neither one of complete failure nor one of complete success. It is a story of enormous possibilities accompanied by unfinished responsibilities.
The economy and the burden on citizens
One of the most pressing questions at this anniversary is whether economic growth is translating into improved living standards for ordinary Nigerians.
The cost of food, transportation, housing, education, healthcare and other basic necessities remains a major concern for many households. When families struggle to provide basic needs despite living in a country endowed with oil, gas, agricultural land and a large consumer market, questions about economic management naturally arise.
Nigeria’s independence should ultimately be measured not only by the size of its economy, but by the quality of life enjoyed by its citizens.
A nation cannot claim meaningful prosperity when millions of its people remain excluded from economic opportunities. Government at all levels must therefore place job creation, productive investment, infrastructure, affordable healthcare, quality education and support for small businesses at the centre of national development.
The challenge of corruption and accountability
Another issue that Nigeria must confront is corruption and the weakness of public accountability.
Public resources belong to the people. Every naira entrusted to government should be treated as a resource meant to serve the public interest. When public money is wasted, stolen or diverted, the consequences are felt in schools that lack equipment, hospitals that lack essential facilities, roads that remain unfinished and communities that lack basic infrastructure.

The fight against corruption should therefore not be reduced to political rhetoric. Strong institutions, transparent public procurement, effective auditing, independent oversight and consistent enforcement of the law are essential.
Nigeria needs institutions that work because they are institutions—not because of the personalities occupying public offices.
Insecurity and national unity
At 66, national security remains another major concern. Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal conflicts and other forms of violence have affected communities and disrupted economic activity.

Security is fundamental to national development. Farmers cannot produce effectively when they fear attacks. Businesses cannot flourish where people are afraid to travel. Children cannot learn properly where schools and communities are unsafe.

But security is not solely a military matter. Poverty, unemployment, weak institutions, social exclusion and lack of economic opportunities can create conditions in which criminal networks thrive.

Nigeria therefore needs a comprehensive approach combining effective security operations with economic development, justice, education and community engagement.
Equally important is the preservation of national unity. Nigeria’s diversity should be regarded as an asset rather than a permanent source of division. Ethnicity, religion and regional identity should not prevent Nigerians from recognising their common citizenship and shared interests.

Democracy and responsible leadership
Nigeria’s democratic experience has survived several difficult periods, but democracy must mean more than periodic elections.

A healthy democracy requires credible institutions, respect for the rule of law, freedom of expression, responsible political participation and accountability from elected officials. Citizens also have responsibilities: they must demand transparency, reject political violence and hold leaders accountable beyond election periods.

Political leaders, on their part, must understand that public office is a responsibility rather than a personal entitlement.

The future of Nigeria cannot depend solely on the quality of individual leaders. The country needs institutions strong enough to outlive administrations and systems capable of delivering public services regardless of who occupies political office.

The Nigerian youth and the future
Perhaps Nigeria’s greatest national asset is its young population.
Young Nigerians are already demonstrating creativity in technology, entertainment, entrepreneurship, sports, agriculture and other fields. The challenge is to create an environment in which their talents can flourish within Nigeria rather than forcing many of them to seek opportunities elsewhere.
Investment in education, technical skills, digital infrastructure, entrepreneurship and employment should therefore be treated as an investment in the country’s future.

A nation that neglects its young people risks wasting its most valuable resource.

What independence should mean at 66
Independence should not merely be remembered as a historical event. It should be understood as an ongoing national project.

True independence means having institutions capable of serving citizens fairly. It means an economy capable of providing opportunities. It means a justice system in which citizens can have confidence. It means security for communities, quality education for children and healthcare that does not become a privilege reserved for the wealthy.

It also means developing the capacity to produce more of what the country consumes, reducing unnecessary dependence on imports and creating an economy in which Nigerian businesses can compete successfully at home and abroad.

At 66, Nigeria does not need despair. Neither does it need empty celebration.
What it needs is honesty.
The country must acknowledge its shortcomings without forgetting its achievements. It must confront its challenges without losing faith in its possibilities. Above all, Nigerians must recognise that nation-building is not the responsibility of government alone. Citizens, businesses, civil society, religious organisations, traditional institutions, professionals and the media all have roles to play.

A call to national renewal

As the green-white-green flag flies on October 1, Nigerians should remember the sacrifices of those who worked for independence and the generations that have contributed to the country’s survival and development.

The greatest tribute to them is not merely to celebrate independence but to deepen it.
Nigeria at 66 stands at another important point in its history. The task before the country is to transform its enormous potential into tangible prosperity and opportunity for its people.
The question should no longer be simply what Nigeria can become. The more important question is what Nigerians, collectively, are prepared to do to build that future.

Sixty-six years after independence, the Nigerian project remains unfinished. But an unfinished project is not a failed project. It is a call to work.

Happy 66th Independence Anniversary, Nigeria. May the years ahead bring greater unity, justice, security, prosperity and opportunity for all Nigerians.

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Editorial

The crushing cost of fuel: Nigeria’s economy and the burden on the citizens

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The high cost of fuel has become one of the most painful economic realities confronting Nigerians. What appears at first to be a matter of petrol pricing has consequences that reach virtually every household, business, farm, school, hospital and market across the country. In an economy where transportation and electricity generation depend heavily on petroleum products, increases in fuel prices inevitably translate into increases in the cost of living.

For millions of Nigerians, the question is no longer simply how much it costs to fill a vehicle’s tank. The more fundamental question is how much further the average income can stretch when transportation, food, housing, education, healthcare and other essential services are becoming increasingly expensive.

The fuel-price crisis therefore deserves to be treated not merely as an energy-sector problem but as a national economic and social challenge.

Fuel and the Cost of Everything

Nigeria’s dependence on petrol-powered transportation makes fuel prices particularly significant. When the price of petrol rises, transport operators face higher operating costs. Those costs are subsequently reflected in fares for buses, taxis, motorcycles and tricycles.

The effect does not end at transportation.

Farmers and agricultural traders depend on fuel to move people, machinery and produce. Manufacturers require energy to operate factories and transport raw materials and finished products. Traders pay more to move goods from farms and warehouses to markets. Artisans and small businesses that rely on petrol or diesel generators face higher operating expenses.

Consequently, the increase in fuel prices can produce a chain reaction throughout the economy.

A farmer who spends more to transport fertiliser and harvested crops may have to increase the price of food. A trader who pays more to move goods may increase retail prices. A manufacturer confronting higher energy and logistics costs may adjust the price of its products. A transport operator facing higher fuel costs may raise fares.

Eventually, the ordinary consumer bears much of the accumulated burden.

The Poor Pay the Heaviest Price

Perhaps the most troubling consequence of high fuel prices is its disproportionate effect on low-income households.

For wealthy households, an increase in petrol prices may mean reducing discretionary spending or changing the type of vehicle used. For a low-income family, however, the same increase can mean fewer meals, a child’s withdrawal from school, delayed medical treatment or an inability to travel to work.

This is particularly serious in a country where millions of households already operate on limited incomes.

A worker who spends a substantial part of his or her salary on transportation has less money available for food, rent, healthcare and education. Small increases in daily transportation costs can therefore become significant monthly financial burdens.

The danger is that households begin to cope through measures that undermine their long-term welfare.

Some reduce the quantity or quality of food they consume. Others postpone medical treatment. Parents may struggle to meet school expenses. Young people may abandon job opportunities because commuting has become too expensive.

When this happens on a large scale, high fuel prices cease to be merely an economic statistic. They become a question of human welfare.

The Burden on Businesses

Nigeria’s small and medium-sized enterprises are particularly vulnerable.

Many businesses already operate under difficult conditions involving inadequate electricity supply, high taxes and levies, expensive credit, poor infrastructure and logistical challenges. Fuel price increases add another layer of pressure.

A small shopkeeper using a petrol generator may have to spend considerably more simply to keep the business open. A barber, restaurant owner, tailor, welder, printer or small manufacturer may have no immediate alternative to privately generated electricity.

The result is higher operating costs.

Businesses have only a limited number of choices: increase prices, reduce production, cut staff, shorten operating hours or close altogether.

Each option has consequences for the wider economy.

When businesses increase prices, consumers suffer. When businesses reduce staff, unemployment increases. When businesses close, communities lose income-generating opportunities and government loses potential tax revenue.

The country therefore needs to recognize that energy costs are also business costs, employment costs and development costs.

Transportation: The Immediate Pain

For ordinary Nigerians, transportation is often the first visible consequence of rising fuel prices.

Workers who commute daily are immediately affected. Students travelling to school face increased expenses. Traders travelling to markets spend more. Inter-state travellers confront higher fares.

In urban centres, where many people depend on commercial transportation, the impact can be particularly severe.

The situation also creates a difficult paradox. People need transportation to earn income, but the cost of transportation consumes an increasing portion of that income.

For some workers, accepting a job far from home may no longer make economic sense. For businesses, transporting employees and goods becomes more expensive. For families, visiting relatives or accessing services outside their immediate communities becomes increasingly difficult.

A country cannot achieve strong economic growth when mobility itself becomes unaffordable for large sections of the population.

Food Security Under Pressure

The relationship between fuel prices and food prices deserves special attention.

Nigeria is an agricultural country, but food does not move from farms to consumers without transportation, storage, processing and distribution. All these activities require energy.

When fuel becomes more expensive, the cost of moving food from rural communities to urban markets increases.

This can create a painful situation in which farmers do not necessarily receive substantially better incomes even as consumers pay higher prices. A large portion of the additional cost may be absorbed by transportation, storage and distribution.

The danger is that high energy costs can therefore contribute to food insecurity.

For a family already struggling to afford basic food items, another increase in the price of staple commodities can have devastating consequences.

Inflation and the Erosion of Income

High fuel prices also contribute to inflationary pressure.

Even when workers receive salary increases, their purchasing power can continue to decline if the prices of essential goods and services rise faster than their incomes.

This creates a serious problem for both public and private-sector workers.

A salary that once covered transportation, food and other household expenses may no longer be sufficient. Pensioners and people living on fixed incomes can be particularly vulnerable because their earnings may not adjust quickly enough to changing prices.

The central concern should therefore not be merely nominal income but real purchasing power.

What matters to a Nigerian household is not how many naira it receives at the end of the month, but what that income can actually buy.

The Electricity Problem

Nigeria’s fuel crisis is inseparable from its electricity crisis.

For decades, inadequate and unreliable electricity supply has forced households and businesses to depend heavily on generators. Petrol and diesel consequently become part of the cost of running businesses, schools, hospitals and even homes.

This creates a vicious cycle.

Poor electricity supply increases dependence on generators. Generator dependence increases demand for petroleum products. Higher fuel prices then increase the cost of operating generators. Businesses transfer those costs to consumers, contributing further to inflation.

Breaking this cycle requires a serious national commitment to improving electricity generation, transmission and distribution.

Nigeria cannot continue to expect households and businesses to privately finance a large part of the country’s energy needs.

Government Revenue Is Not the Same as Public Welfare

Government has legitimate responsibilities in managing the petroleum sector and the national economy. Pricing reforms may also be necessary to address fiscal pressures, market distortions and inefficiencies.

But economic reform cannot be judged solely by government revenue or the removal of subsidies.

The ultimate test must also include its effect on citizens.

If a policy improves government finances but leaves millions of families unable to afford transportation and basic necessities, policymakers must confront the social consequences and consider appropriate mitigating measures.

Reforms require social protection.

Where difficult economic decisions impose immediate costs on citizens, government should ensure that vulnerable households receive effective and transparent assistance.

Such assistance must be properly targeted and measurable. It should not become another avenue for waste, corruption or political patronage.

The Need for Transparency

One of the greatest problems surrounding fuel pricing in Nigeria has historically been a lack of public confidence.

Citizens deserve clear information about how fuel prices are determined, the factors responsible for changes, the role of crude oil prices, exchange rates, refining costs, transportation, taxes and other charges.

Transparency is essential because Nigerians are more likely to understand difficult economic decisions when the evidence behind them is clearly presented.

Government agencies and petroleum-sector institutions must therefore communicate openly with the public.

A citizen should not have to rely on rumours and social media speculation to understand why the price of a product as important as petrol has changed.

Domestic Refining Must Become More Than a Promise

One of the most important long-term solutions is the development of a competitive domestic refining industry.

Nigeria is one of Africa’s major oil-producing countries, yet for many years the country relied heavily on imported refined petroleum products. This created vulnerability to international prices, foreign exchange pressures, shipping costs and other external factors.

Expanding reliable domestic refining capacity could reduce some of these vulnerabilities.

However, domestic refining should not simply mean replacing imports with expensive locally produced fuel. The broader objective should be a competitive and efficient petroleum industry that benefits consumers while supporting investment.

Competition, transparency and effective regulation will be crucial.

The Way Forward

Nigeria needs a comprehensive strategy rather than a single solution.

First, government should strengthen public transportation systems, particularly affordable mass transit in major cities. Efficient public transportation can reduce the amount households spend on daily commuting.

Second, investments in electricity must become more effective and sustainable. Reliable electricity would reduce dependence on generators and consequently reduce exposure to petrol and diesel prices.

Third, the country needs policies that improve agricultural productivity and reduce the cost of transporting food from farms to markets.

Fourth, targeted social protection should be strengthened for households most severely affected by rising living costs.

Fifth, government should continue to encourage domestic refining while ensuring that the petroleum market remains transparent and competitive.

Sixth, economic policymakers should pay greater attention to the survival of small businesses. Affordable credit, improved infrastructure, reliable electricity and a predictable regulatory environment can help businesses absorb energy shocks without passing the entire burden to consumers.

Finally, Nigerians deserve accountability.

Every naira generated from the petroleum sector and every naira spent on interventions should be subject to appropriate public scrutiny.

A National Challenge That Requires National Responsibility

The high cost of fuel is more than an inconvenience at the filling station. It affects the price of food, transportation, electricity, production and virtually every aspect of economic life.

But the country must avoid viewing the problem exclusively through the lens of fuel prices.

The deeper challenge is Nigeria’s dependence on an energy system that places enormous financial pressure on citizens and businesses.

The sustainable answer lies in building an economy in which reliable electricity, efficient public transportation, productive agriculture, competitive industries and strong social protection reduce the vulnerability of ordinary Nigerians to energy-price shocks.

Economic reforms may sometimes be difficult, but the burden of adjustment should not fall disproportionately on those least able to bear it.

Nigeria’s citizens need an economy in which hard work translates into a decent standard of living, businesses can plan for the future, farmers can profit from production, and families can afford basic necessities.

The price of fuel may be displayed at filling stations, but its true cost is measured in the daily sacrifices made by millions of Nigerians.

That is why the country’s response must go beyond managing petrol prices. It must address the underlying energy, transportation, infrastructure and productivity problems that make every increase at the pump reverberate throughout the national economy.

Nigeria cannot build sustainable prosperity if the cost of moving people, producing goods and powering businesses remains beyond the reach of ordinary citizens.

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Editorial

King’s College Debacle: The ‘If’ questions must be answered

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King’s College, Lagos, turned 117 years yesterday, Sunday, September 20, 2026. Naturally, it should be a moment of celebration for one of Nigeria’s most historic educational institutions. Instead, the anniversary has become a painful reminder of how quickly an education policy can become a national crisis when consultation, transparency and trust are sacrificed.

Founded in 1909, King’s College has produced generations of Nigerians who have contributed to virtually every sphere of national life. Its sister institution, Queen’s College, and the network of Federal Unity Colleges were created around a larger national idea: that education should bring Nigerian children together across ethnic, regional, religious and social boundaries.

It is therefore deeply disturbing that, as King’s College marks 117 years, the institution has become the centre of a dispute that has disrupted the reopening of Federal Unity Colleges across the country.

The immediate dispute concerns the Federal Government’s concession of the management of King’s College to the King’s College Old Boys’ Association (KCOBA). Government insists that this is not a sale or privatisation and that legal ownership remains with the Federal Government. Under the arrangement, KCOBA is expected to finance, rehabilitate, modernise, operate and maintain the school, while government retains regulatory and monitoring powers.

KCOBA, on its part, has presented the arrangement as a rescue and renaissance project. It announced a proposed N100 billion fund and substantial initial financial commitments to transform the institution.

On paper, rehabilitation of a historic school is difficult to oppose.
But the problem is not necessarily the desire to improve King’s College. The problem is the process, the unanswered questions and the damage the dispute has already caused.

Sometimes, a good idea can be badly communicated. This is an important distinction that government must confront. A concession may be legally different from a sale. A public-private partnership may preserve government ownership. But to parents, teachers and workers, management rights over a public institution for decades can still represent a fundamental change in the character of that institution.

That distinction cannot be settled merely by repeating that “the school has not been sold.”

The real questions are: What exactly has been granted? For how long? Under what conditions? Who controls the school? Who appoints the managers? Who determines fees? Who protects the interests of existing students? What happens when the private or alumni partner fails to meet its obligations?
These are legitimate public questions.

Reports indicate that the proposed arrangement is for 35 years. The Federal Government has now suspended implementation for two weeks and established a seven-member committee to review and negotiate aspects of the agreement with labour. Police were also ordered withdrawn from the school premises, while unions suspended their industrial action. This pause is welcome.

But it must not become another temporary settlement designed merely to restore calm. It should be used to reopen the entire process.

The most troubling dimension of the crisis is that children have become collateral damage in a dispute between adults. At the height of the controversy, workers’ unions directed staff across Federal Unity Colleges not to resume, disrupting the 2026/2027 academic session. Reports indicated that 112 of the country’s 115 Federal Unity Colleges were affected at one point.

But the Federal Government must answer the transparency questions.
It cannot escape responsibility by saying that the concession was properly approved. Approval is not the same thing as transparency. A major public asset being handed over for long-term management should withstand public scrutiny. Nigerians deserve to know the material provisions of the agreement hence, the ‘If’ Scrutiny:

*If the agreement protects students, workers, parents and the public interest, publishing it should strengthen confidence rather than weaken it.

*If government retains ownership, Nigerians should be able to see precisely how that ownership is protected.

*If government retains regulatory powers, Nigerians should know what those powers are.

*If KCOBA is investing billions of naira, Nigerians should know what it is expected to provide, by when and against what measurable standards.

*If funding from the Federation Account is to cease after a defined period, Nigerians should know what replaces it.

*And if the concession lasts 35 years, there must be clear provisions for periodic review, performance assessment and termination in the event of non-performance.

These are not unreasonable demands, but the minimum requirements of public accountability.

There is also a legal and moral dimension that government should not overlook.

Section 1 of the Child Rights Act provides that in every action concerning a child by an individual, public or private body, institution or administrative authority, the best interest of the child shall be the primary consideration.

That principle should guide this entire dispute. Not the convenience of government, nor the pride of alumni, the demands of unions, the fears of parents, and not even the financial attractiveness of a concession.

The child comes first hence, the present and indeed, any future concession of a Federal Unity College should require a formal child-impact assessment.

The desire of King’s College old boys to mobilise resources for their alma mater is therefore commendable.They deserve credit, but not a blank cheque.
The reported N100 billion transformation fund demonstrates ambition, but goodwill cannot substitute for governance.

But what happens to the Unity College idea?

This is where the King’s College controversy becomes much bigger than King’s College.
Nigeria’s Federal Unity Colleges were never conceived simply as buildings where children attend classes.
They were part of a national integration project.

A child from Kano could sit beside a child from Enugu. A child from Rivers could share a dormitory with a child from Kaduna. Friendships formed across ethnic and regional boundaries. Nigeria was taught not only in classrooms but also in dining halls, laboratories, sports fields and dormitories.

That mission is becoming increasingly important in a country facing serious social fragmentation.
If government gradually moves towards concession, partnership or alternative management arrangements for its colleges, it must first define what cannot be surrendered.

The physical infrastructure can be renovated, laboratories can be modernised, the hostels can be rebuilt, Information technology can be upgraded,
but the national character of the schools must remain protected.
A Federal Unity College must not gradually become an elite private school carrying a federal government name.

Now that the Federal Government has bought itself two weeks to look at the King’s College concession policy once again, it should not waste the opportunity.

The current two-week suspension should therefore be used to develop a national framework for not only all future Federal Unity College partnerships, but indeed, public schools at all levels.

We, at Disclosure News, advise that, it should rather mark the beginning of a broader conversation about public education in Nigeria, towards charting a solid, sustainable, and globally competitive education ecosystem.

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