Editorial

Strengthing the institutions of governance to avoid misgovernance

Published

13 hours ago

July 24, 2026

Recently, the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development came out to debunk reports circulating in sections of the media and on social media that alleged that the ministry budgeted funds for the rehabilitation of Emir Palaces and Mosques in the 2026 budget.

In a press statement issued by the Head of Information and Public Relations, Henrietta Okokon, the ministry described the reports as “false and misleading.”

The statement stated categorically that the budgetary provisions being referenced are not contained in the headquarters’ budget of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development.

It explained that the items were wrongly attributed to the ministry, but are actually contained in the budget of the Federal College of Veterinary and Medical Laboratory Technology, Vom, Plateau State.

“Rather, they are contained in the budget of the Federal College of Veterinary and Medical Laboratory Technology, Vom, Plateau State, a self-accounting institution with its own distinct budgetary allocations,” the statement read.

The ministry noted that the sum of N140 million allegedly budgeted for the rehabilitation of Emir Palaces and Mosques in Kaduna State, among other unrelated projects, does not form part of its programmes and priorities.

While we are still distilling the impunity that occured at the Livestock Development Ministry, another news bomb came out within the week, alleging that the federal government allocated over N22.15bn to renovate traditional rulers’ palaces, build and renovate mosques and churches. To many Nigerians, this is a joke taken too far.

While the country and her citizens are struggling to navigate the harsh economic policies introduced by the President Tinubu-led government, the National Assembly in corraboration with the Executive arm, are busy using our budget systems to syphon or enrich their selves by way of insertion of phantom projects into our budget circles. This has been their acceptable norm, not only now but from the past eight years.

We are of the opinion that all these shenanigans thrive on basic fact that the country lacks strong institutions that will constantly checkmate our public officials including our political class.

It is a saddening reality therefore that that Nigeria’s public instructions’ framework tilts towards entrenchment of corruption and self-enrichment practices because of the loopholes they enact to perpetrate all sorts of underminings on our collective values and progress.

To consolidate a solid institutional structure in Nigeria, that will be above constant interference and manipulation, as government is only as good as the institutions that run it, all organs of the government both in the states and federal levels must seem to be citizens-prone rather than personality focused, because personality comes and goes, manifestos are made and broken, but institutions like the legislature, the judiciary, the civil service, the electoral body, the police, and the anti-corruption agencies — are the permanent machinery of the state. When they are strong, democracy works. When they are weak, misgovernance thrives.

Nigeria’s recurring crisis is not a lack of good policies. It is the collapse of the institutions meant to design, implement, and check those policies. We hold elections whose results are distrusted. We fight corruption with agencies that are themselves compromised.

That decay are aptly demonstrated by the numerous stories of budget-padding, budget-inserting and other incurrent economic ping-pongs as examplifed by this government’s lukewarm approach to anything but fighting inordinate ways of doing government businesses.

Therefore, It is obvious that current weak institutions we have in Nigeria will continue to breed misgovernance and looks more gloomy to improve in years ahead.

When the the country’s judiciary is slow and underfunded as noticed in most courts, justice is delayed and denied. Justices and magistrates are also prone to be compromised. When anti-graft agencies like EFCC, ICPC and others are politicised, and use as instruments of intimidation, coarsion, the powerful walk free while the poor are punished. Without consequences, public office becomes a license to loot.

If we have a strong civil service with an enabling well motivated workers, it ensures continuity. But a weak civil service means every new administration abandons projects and starts afresh. Roads are abandoned mid-way. Policies are reversed with every change of government. The result is wasted billions of naira and zero development.

On our electoral process and the overseeing agency INEC. When an electoral empire lacks independence and technology that propels transparent results, then there will be deficit of trust from the citizenry and political players. When citizens believe their votes do not count, they withdraw from civic duty. That vacuum is filled by godfathers, agberos, money politics, and rigging, who will eventually hijack the process and thereby breed incompetent leadership in the country.

When a police force that is poorly trained, poorly paid, and poorly equipped, it cannot protect citizens. This will resort to extortion, accidental killings. This can result in the state losing its monopoly on force, and enabling non-state actors to fill the gap, as we presently witness in terrorist attacks in all parts of the country.

Therefore, strengthening institutions is not glamorous. It does not make headlines. But it is the only sustainable cure for misgovernance.

Institutions must be free from executive interference. The appointment of INEC chairmen, judges, and heads of anti-graft agencies should go through a transparent, bipartisan process in the National Assembly. But independence must come with accountability: fixed tenures, public asset declarations, and strict audit requirements.

But institutions cannot be asked to deliver 21st-century results with 20th-century budgets. Courts need digital case management. The police need better pay and equipment. The civil service needs to recruit based on competence, not “federal character” alone. Let the best run the system.

Institutional strength today is digital strength. BVAS for elections. Treasury Single Account for public funds. Open contracting portals for government projects. Live streaming of legislative proceedings. When citizens can see what government is doing, corruption becomes harder.

No individual, no matter how highly placed, should be above the law. Court orders must be obeyed. Legislative oversight must be real, not theatrical. This is how you build public trust.

Institutions are not buildings. They are people. We need a civil service trained in ethics. We need journalists, CSOs, and ordinary citizens who understand their role in demanding accountability. A democracy cannot survive on apathy.

Misgovernance is expensive. It is the hospital without drugs. The university on strike. The road that claims lives. The youth who leave the country because they see no future.

Strong institutions do the opposite. They ensure that power is checked, that public money is spent properly, and that citizens get services regardless of who is president or governor.

Nigeria does not need another “strong man.” It needs strong systems.

We must move from governance by personality to governance by institutions. That means funding them, protecting them from political capture, and demanding performance from them.

The task ahead is deliberate and difficult. It requires constitutional amendments, political will, and patience. But the alternative — another cycle of weak institutions and misgovernance — is one we can no longer afford.

A nation is built not on the charisma of its leaders, but on the strength of its institutions.

Editorial

Dissecting FG’s Troubling Education Policy Somersault

Published

2 days ago

July 22, 2026

Editor Editor

Nigeria’s education sector has recently experienced several policy reversals and shifts. These sudden changes have sparked intense debate among stakeholders, educators, and parents nationwide.

At the DISCLOSURE News, we feel it is alarming with the speed and frequency. It does not look like the actions are well thought out and that is why we feel it is alarming.

From 6-3-3-4 system of education, Neco exam fees, Jamb age policy and national language policy, discussions, decisions, announcements and policy reversals were done in such a manner that leaves stakeholders confused as per the one that is in vogue.

During the President Muhammadu Buhari administration, his minister of education was obsessed with the age of JAMB candidates and threatened to peg the admission age to an uncomfortable level irrespective of whether or not the child is a superstar.

This was even as we knew that some Nigerians, not to talk of the records in advanced countries reached the apogee of their education career at a very young age.

It was a relief when that minister was relieved of his job.

Then enter Tinubu and his minister of education.

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office in May 2023, Nigeria’s education sector has experienced a troubling pattern of policy inconsistency—a cycle in which major announcements are made with fanfare, face swift public backlash and are subsequently reversed or “clarified” within days or weeks.

This phenomenon, often described by stakeholders as “policy somersaults,” has raised questions about coordination, consultation and the government’s overall policy direction in education.

Policy changes are supposed to be well thought out, wide consultations, stakeholders meetings within the offices before they are announced.

For instance, in October 2024, reports emerged that the Federal Ministry of Education had directed the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and tertiary institutions to restrict undergraduate admissions to candidates aged 18 years and above. According to a former Minister of Education, Prof Tahir Mamman, the policy aimed to curb the admission of “underage” students and ensure emotional maturity at the university level.

The announcement, however, sparked immediate nationwide outrage. Parents, educators and advocacy groups criticised the move as arbitrary and exclusionary, arguing that it would unfairly penalise gifted or fast-learning students who completed secondary education before turning 18. Observers also noted that many public and private schools routinely graduated students between 15 and 17 years old.

Barely a month later, in November 2024, the newly appointed Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, who replaced Mamman, officially reversed the 18-year benchmark, restoring the previous minimum age of 16. He described the earlier directive as “ill-timed” and pledged wider stakeholder consultation before any future adjustments.

According to Alausa, these changes were part of President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which aims to align Nigeria’s education sector with global benchmarks and prepare young citizens for a technology-driven economy. This reversal became the first widely acknowledged policy u-turn of the Tinubu administration in education.

In mid-October 2025, the Federal Ministry of Education reportedly announced that Mathematics would no longer be a compulsory subject for candidates seeking admission into Arts and Humanities programmes in Nigerian tertiary institutions. The move, intended to “ease access” for students in non-science disciplines, immediately sparked controversy.

Teachers’ associations, parents and education experts criticised the policy, warning that it could undermine numeracy and general competence in higher education.

The social media erupted with commentary, describing the decision as another sign of poor policy coordination within the ministry.

Within five days, following widespread protests and editorial pushback, the ministry clarified that Mathematics and English Language would remain compulsory at the O-Level for all students, including those in Arts and Humanities.

Officials attributed the uproar to “miscommunication” of the policy intent.

This quick reversal echoed the earlier 18-year admission controversy and reinforced public perception of Tinubu government’s reactive and uncoordinated approach to education policy.

The national president of the National Association of Proprietors of Private Schools, Mr Yomi Odubela, was confident that the age policy wasn’t going to stay.

He said, “We were confident that the decision would not stand because it lacked thorough consultation with key stakeholders before its introduction.”

“The age policy was retrogressive; and I believe it wasn’t well thought by the previous minister. It is good that his successor came and reversed it. We have very intelligent students who are below 18 and that policy could delay them. That would be unfair. For the Mathematics policy, I understood it but it wasn’t well stated for Nigerians to understand. I will advice the government to consult widely with all relevant stakeholders and not rush into making policy,” he said.

However, the Director of Press and Public Relations at the Federal Ministry of Education, Boriowo Folasade, clarified that the government had not performed a policy somersault:

“There has been no u-turn. This is a clarification on the streamlined admission requirements designed to expand access to tertiary education. To be clear, we did not expunge Mathematics but have clarified some misconceptions.

“Firstly, nobody has sacked JAMB or removed its statutory responsibility for admission. Secondly, despite the streamlining, every SS3 student is expected to register and sit for both English and Mathematics,” she said.

She further explained that the reform aligned with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, aimed at broadening access to higher education and ensuring inclusivity. According to Dr Alausa, the decision seeks to correct long-standing inequities in the admission process that have denied many qualified students’ opportunities due to rigid entry requirements.

“This imbalance must give way to fairness and opportunity. Our goal is to ensure that capable and deserving candidates are not denied education because of obsolete policies,” he stated.

He noted that while over two million candidates sit for the UTME annually, only about 700,000 secure admissions—a situation the government attributes more to restrictive policies than candidates’ lack of competence.

The recurring “policy somersaults”—from the 18-year admission benchmark to the Mathematics controversy—highlight deeper governance and communication challenges within Nigeria’s education system.

As a former national president of the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT), Dr Mike Ike-Ene advised, for the Tinubu administration to achieve a lasting progress, it must prioritise stakeholder engagement, institutional coherence and transparent communication before introducing new policies.

In the same vein, the Federal Government recently announced a major shift in language policy for schools, directing teachers nationwide to prioritise English as the primary medium of instruction. This decision officially ends the national policy that previously mandated the use of indigenous languages in classrooms.

According to the government, the objective is to improve learning outcomes and ensure greater uniformity in instruction across the country. The announcement was made by the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, during an interaction with journalists at the Language in Education International Conference 2025, organised by the British Council in Abuja.

Dr Alausa noted that indigenous languages remain important for cultural preservation but emphasized that English should serve as the primary instructional language from pre-primary to tertiary levels to strengthen comprehension and global competitiveness. He added that English functions as a unifying tool across Nigeria’s diverse linguistic landscape, offering students wider access to knowledge, technology, and international opportunities.

He explained that data and evidence informed the government’s decision to cancel the mother tongue policy, noting that its excessive use in some regions contributed to poor performance in national examinations such as WAEC, NECO, and JAMB.

“English language should be used to teach our students at all levels as a means of instruction. Over the years, mother tongues have been used to teach and this has largely been responsible for the failures recorded in exams. The national policy on language has been cancelled. English now stands as the medium of instruction across all levels of education,” he said.

Nigeria’s latest education policy is undergoing a transformative shift from the traditional 6-3-3-4 system to an uninterrupted 12-year Basic Education model . Driven by the Ministerial Strategic Plan (2024–2027) and recent curriculum overhauls, the policy focuses heavily on vocational training, skill acquisition, and digital inclusion to reduce out-of-school rates and prepare students for the modern workforce.

We don’t believe that a government should shutdown a popular policy that is working simply because it wants to introduce its own.

Conversely, when a policy is no longer working and serving it’s need, then it has to be reviewed. We have seen superstars reaching their zenith in the age of 20, 21 etcetera. We have also seen children leave their parents at a very tender age to study overseas. If these could happen in the yester- years, why are we rolling the wheels of progress backwards.

We would like the government to pay adequate attention to the curriculum and contents that are approved for study and moulding of the young minds. We are always taken aback with some unpalatable stories of approved contents discovered after long implementation. We have to be vigilant and ensure that History as a subject, for instance, is back and if possible made compulsory. This nation needs it as a way of healing the nation. We need that cohesion.